Justice or Just Us? A Take on Fiji’s Two-Tier Drug Laws

Ah, Fiji! The land of pristine beaches, coconut trees swaying in the breeze, and a judicial system so hilariously inconsistent that it could be mistaken for a poorly written soap opera. Nowhere is this inconsistency more glaring than in the way drug-related cases are handled. If you ever need proof that Lady Justice isn’t just blindfolded but also half-asleep in Fiji, look no further than the great disparity in sentencing between poor drug users and, say, a certain well-connected businessman with a suspiciously light bail condition.

Let’s start with the humble, struggling citizen, shall we? Picture this: A desperate individual, possibly unemployed or working a low-wage job, turns to using or selling a small amount of drugs—because let’s be honest, life’s tough, and sometimes a quick escape seems like the only option. Caught by police? Straight to remand they go! No questions asked. No fancy lawyers. No cushy bail arrangements. Just a one-way ticket to an overcrowded remand center where they’ll await trial longer than it takes for the government to fix a pothole. And when they’re finally sentenced? Five to ten years behind bars—because obviously, possessing a small amount of drugs is a crime so heinous it demands a punishment harsher than corruption or fraud.

Now, enter the elite. Say, a businessman with the right connections and a last name that gets recognized in the corridors of power. Perhaps he’s caught with a substantial amount of drugs—far more than our poor user ever dreamed of possessing. But does he get remanded? Oh no, that’s reserved for the unfortunate souls without political or financial capital. Instead, he waltzes into court, hands in pockets, and walks out with a $500 bail condition—an amount so laughably low that it wouldn’t even cover a weekend getaway at one of Fiji’s fancy resorts.

It’s almost like the law in Fiji operates on a sliding scale. If you’re poor and powerless, the hammer of justice comes down with full force, obliterating any chance of fairness. If you’re rich and well-connected, the hammer turns into a feather duster—brushing off your crimes with a mild scolding and a ‘try not to do it again’ warning. Meanwhile, the public is expected to believe that justice is being served, as if we all woke up with collective amnesia and forgot how things have always worked.

What’s even more comical is the moral grandstanding from those in power. Politicians and law enforcement officials love to lecture the nation about the dangers of drugs, promising harsh penalties and stricter enforcement. But when a big fish is caught? Suddenly, it’s a case of ‘we must let the legal process take its course.’ A legal process that, funnily enough, seems to speed up for the privileged while dragging its feet for everyone else.

One might think that the law should be a great equalizer, treating all citizens fairly regardless of wealth or status. But in Fiji, it seems the law is more like an old weighing scale, tipping heavily in favor of those who can afford to grease its rusted hinges. So what’s the takeaway from all this? Simple—if you’re going to get caught with drugs in Fiji, make sure you have the right last name, the right connections, and at least $500 lying around. Otherwise, enjoy your stay in remand!

The Art of Political Gymnastics: PM Rabuka’s Cabinet Expansion Extravaganza

In a country where the economy is tight, services are stretched, and every cent counts, our dear leader has managed to do the impossible: increase government spending under the guise of efficiency. Fiji One News’ headline, "PM Rabuka responds to criticism over increased cabinet size and cost," barely scratches the surface of this masterful exercise in political gymnastics.

https://fijionenews.com.fj/pm-rabuka-responds-to-criticism-over-increased-cabinet-size-and-cost/

First, let’s address the elephant in the room—why exactly do we need such a bloated cabinet? Is it because Fiji is facing a governance crisis so dire that only an army of ministers can tackle it? Or is it because Rabuka, in his desperate bid to maintain power, needs to appease every ambitious politician with a cushy ministerial post? The answer is as clear as a Nadi sunset. The man is assembling his own league of political superheroes—The Coalition of Convenience—whose primary superpower is draining the nation’s coffers while delivering lengthy speeches on national unity.

Now, we must also admire Rabuka’s unwavering commitment to not dealing decisively with underperforming ministers. One might think that in a government swollen beyond reason, there would be some level of accountability. But no! Ministers who couldn’t manage a backyard barbecue are still sitting comfortably in high office, protected by a thick shield of political favoritism. It appears that performance reviews are merely decorative formalities, much like a prop in a magician’s act. And let’s not forget the bonus round—every time a minister makes a blunder, Rabuka delivers a poetic justification that sounds more like a bedtime story than an explanation.

But the real masterpiece in Rabuka’s political repertoire is his latest attempt at distraction—the Constitutional Review. Ah, the sheer brilliance! Why deal with real issues when you can send the public down a rabbit hole of endless debates over constitutional amendments? Ethno-nationalists, ever eager to be deceived by empty promises, are led to believe that this exercise is a step toward their long-awaited dream of political supremacy. Meanwhile, the true purpose of this maneuver is to keep the masses busy while the cabinet continues to grow unchecked and the real issues—like economic mismanagement and public service inefficiencies—remain unaddressed.

In the grand tradition of political illusionists, Rabuka has mastered the ancient art of making the public believe he is leading a strong and decisive government while actually doing little more than ensuring his grip on power. The man is less a statesman and more of a magician, conjuring distractions with one hand while the other quietly signs off on another round of ministerial paychecks.

So, as we watch Fiji’s political landscape transform into a never-ending circus of expansion, inefficiency, and deception, one thing is certain: PM Rabuka has turned governance into a theatrical performance where the audience never quite knows whether to laugh, cry, or simply applaud the sheer audacity of it all.

The Magical Disappearing Debt Trick: Biman Prasad’s Economic Illusion

Ladies and gentlemen, gather around! Witness the grandest economic magic trick of our time—the miraculous vanishing of national debt, as performed by none other than Biman Prasad. With a swift wave of his statistical wand, the good professor-turned-politician has convinced an entire nation that even though the debt is rising, it is actually... falling. How, you ask? Simple. He has mastered the ancient art of manipulating ratios!

Let’s break it down. Fiji’s national debt is increasing—yes, that’s right, increasing. But fear not! Instead of addressing that unpleasant fact, Prasad simply shifts focus to the Debt-to-GDP ratio. “Look!” he exclaims, “The ratio is going down! Everything is fine!” But before we break out the celebratory grog, let’s ask ourselves: how is this possible?

The answer, dear readers, lies in the composition of GDP. For those not fluent in economic double-speak, GDP is the total value of all goods and services produced within the country. Now, here’s the kicker: one of the biggest contributors to GDP is government spending, and guess what fuels that spending? That’s right—debt!

It’s the perfect economic ouroboros, the snake eating its own tail. The government borrows money, spends it on infrastructure, stimulus packages, or grand recovery programs, which then boost GDP, which in turn lowers the Debt-to-GDP ratio. But wait—has the debt actually gone down? Nope! It has climbed higher than a drunken tourist attempting to conquer the Sigatoka sand dunes. Yet, because GDP is also inflated by the very debt used to prop it up, the ratio appears more favorable. It’s financial wizardry at its finest.

Now, let’s not forget the elephant—or rather, the virus—in the room: COVID-19. The pandemic threw Fiji’s economy into a nosedive. Borders were shut, tourism (our economic lifeblood) dried up, businesses collapsed, and government borrowing soared to keep the country afloat. Rightly so—desperate times called for desperate measures. But now, as the economy is rebounding, thanks to reopened borders and a surge in tourism, GDP is naturally growing again. And guess what? That means the Debt-to-GDP ratio was always going to decrease as part of the recovery process.

So, what has Prasad really achieved here? Nothing, except for trying to convince the public that a natural post-COVID recovery is some kind of fiscal masterstroke. He takes credit for what was an inevitable statistical adjustment. Meanwhile, the actual amount of debt still looms large, much like an uninvited relative at a family function—ignored, but impossible to get rid of.

At the end of the day, using the Debt-to-GDP ratio as a measure of success is like saying you’re getting healthier because your weight has remained stable—even though you’re just standing on a taller scale. The truth remains: debt is debt, and someone will eventually have to pay the bill.

So, next time you hear a politician like Biman Prasad boast about a falling Debt-to-GDP ratio while debt itself continues to mount, remember—you’re not watching real economic reform. You’re simply watching a very well-rehearsed magic show. 

The Great Comeback Tour: Bainimarama & Khaiyum’s Last Dance

Rumors are swirling in Fiji that the dynamic duo of political drama—Frank Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum—are plotting their grand return by registering a new political party to contest the 2026 elections. If true, this would be the most ambitious comeback since coconut wireless last reported that Ratu Sukuna was considering a political return. But let’s examine this latest development with the seriousness it deserves—none at all.

First, we must consider the tiny legal hiccup that Bainimarama and Khaiyum seem to have overlooked: they are both, in varying degrees, legally and politically incapacitated. Bainimarama, after his recent legal woes, is about as eligible to run for office as a fish is to climb a coconut tree. Then there’s Khaiyum, the former Attorney-General, who spent his time in government rewriting laws to ensure he and Bainimarama would never leave office. Ironically, those same laws now stand as their biggest roadblock to making a return. If poetic justice were a political party, it would already be in government.

According to the Political Parties (Registration, Conduct, Funding, and Disclosures) Act, those convicted of crimes and had been imprisoned for at least 6 months are ineligible to run for party office for at least five years. The Electoral act [S23(4)(g)] disqualifies an election candidate if he or she had been convicted of an offence carrying a maximum sentence of at least 2 years for at least 8 years after conviction. 

Bainimarama, fresh from his legal battles, and Khaiyum, reportedly avoiding the long arm of the law like a coconut falling from a tree, may find these particular clauses rather inconvenient. One can almost imagine them sitting in a secret meeting, furiously searching for legal loopholes, only to realize they had closed them all themselves back when they were in charge. Tragic, really.

But let’s assume, for a moment, that a miracle occurs—perhaps a sudden attack of selective amnesia in the judiciary or an unexpected legislative loophole allows them to register their party. The question remains: who would actually vote for them? The people of Fiji, having spent over a decade under their governance, might find it hard to miss a political style that combined iron-fist rule with occasional flourishes of comedic tyranny.

And then there’s the iTaukei perception of Khaiyum. 

No discussion about their return would be complete without addressing the elephant—or rather, the lawyer—in the room. Throughout his tenure, Khaiyum was viewed by many iTaukei as the architect of policies that systematically dismantled traditional institutions, reduced indigenous influence, and centralized power in a manner that left many suspicious of his true intentions. 

Whether through land bills, constitutional changes, or the infamous “We know what’s best for you” approach to governance, Khaiyum has spent years cultivating an image among iTaukei communities that would make a wild boar more electable in certain rural villages. It remains to be seen how he intends to win them over this time—perhaps a rebranding campaign featuring him performing a meke at the Hibiscus Festival?

For many in the iTaukei community, Khaiyum remains a controversial figure, widely seen as the mastermind behind policies perceived as eroding traditional structures and indigenous influence. While Bainimarama fronted the show, Khaiyum was often viewed as the ventriloquist pulling the strings. His role in constitutional changes, land policies, and institutional restructuring left many feeling alienated. If this duo hopes to charm the iTaukei electorate again, they might need more than a well-rehearsed campaign—they’ll need divine intervention.

Perhaps Khaiyum could reinvent himself as a champion of indigenous rights, complete with ceremonial garb and an apologetic smile. That, or he could embrace his notoriety and run on a platform of “You Hated Me Before, But Give Me Another Chance.” Stranger things have happened in politics.

Then there’s the small matter of their sudden departure, which led to the deregistration of FijiFirst. Supporters of the once-dominant party now find themselves politically homeless, abandoned faster than a sinking ship’s last lifeboat. Their loyalty, once unwavering, has morphed into outrage. After years of defending Bainimarama and Khaiyum against all critics, these supporters now face the bitter realization that their political idols may have left them high and dry.

The question is: will these disillusioned followers embrace the duo’s new venture, or will they turn to new leadership, bitterly muttering about misplaced trust? If Bainimarama and Khaiyum expect an easy return, they may find that Fijians have long memories and little patience for betrayal.

Ultimately, the real question isn’t whether Bainimarama and Khaiyum will succeed in registering their party. The real question is whether the people of Fiji are willing to relive a political era that left democracy wheezing, and human rights in an induced coma. If they do make a return, it will be less of a political comeback and more of an unintentional stand-up comedy tour. One thing is for certain: whatever happens, the 2026 elections will not be boring.

The 2026 elections promise to be a showdown of epic proportions. Will Fiji welcome back its former rulers, or will it finally turn the page on this political saga? Either way, grab your popcorn—it’s going to be a show worth watching.

A Coup for the People: The Glorious Betrayal of 1987

Ah, 1987—a year of grand political theatre in Fiji, starring none other than Sitiveni Rabuka, a man who entered the stage with a mission to protect the iTaukei people from the imaginary horrors of democracy. With a flourish, he executed Fiji’s first military coup, proving once and for all that elections were merely a suggestion and that real power came from the barrel of a gun (or at least from a military uniform and a well-timed press conference).

The Promise of Victory

Rabuka, ever the eloquent statesman, assured the iTaukei that they had won—hence the rallying cry Sa noda na qaqa! (We have won!). Victory, however, turned out to be a rather peculiar concept, as it seemed to involve economic decline, social unrest, and international condemnation. The supposed triumph for indigenous Fijians translated into a government that mostly enriched a few elites while the rest were left scratching their heads, wondering what exactly they had won. But hey, semantics!

The Masterstroke: Divide and Conquer

The genius of Rabuka’s rule was his ability to convince the iTaukei that political dominance equated to economic prosperity—despite all evidence to the contrary. Under his watchful leadership, Fiji’s economy took a delightful nosedive, investors fled in droves, and racial tensions were expertly sharpened to ensure that unity among Fijians—of all backgrounds—remained a distant dream. 

Meanwhile, the Indo-Fijian community, many of whom had lived in Fiji for generations, were encouraged to leave through casual intimidation and a steady erosion of their rights. Who needed a diverse and skilled workforce anyway? Certainly not a developing island nation in need of stability and progress!

Here now in 2025, nothing much has changed under Rabuka and his minions.

The Great Rebrand: ‘Fijians’ for All (July 1987 Edition)

Then came the grandest irony of all. By July 1987, Rabuka, the self-appointed defender of the iTaukei, suddenly had a brilliant revelation—why not unite the people under one common identity? Thus, the proposal to call all citizens ‘Fijians’ was born. A man who had spent months—and let’s be honest, years—stoking divisions and orchestrating a military coup now decided that national unity was the way forward. The comedy writes itself!

One must admire the audacity of a man who, after pulling the rug from under an entire nation, now insists that everyone stand together on the bare floorboards. If nothing else, Rabuka proved that political reversals are a hallmark of true leadership—especially when they come with no accountability.

Rabuka’s coup of 1987 remains a masterclass in political opportunism, wrapped in patriotic slogans and served with a generous helping of economic mismanagement. His promise of victory for the iTaukei ultimately proved hollow, much like his later efforts at national unity. And yet, in true political fashion, he remains a fixture in Fijian politics, proving that in the grand theatre of power, past actions are merely inconvenient details best left forgotten. After all, history has a funny way of repeating itself, especially when its key players never truly leave the stage.

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1996110783986913

Bend It Like Beckham: The Coalition Government’s Olympic-Level Gymnastics to Amend the 2013 Constitution

 Ah, the Coalition Government—Fiji’s very own elite team of constitutional acrobats, determined to prove that when it comes to legal loopholes, they can twist, bend, and contort better than a Cirque du Soleil performer. Their latest act? A desperate, long-winded, and painfully elaborate attempt to find just the right technicalities to tweak the 2013 Constitution.

One might assume that constitutional amendments require, oh, I don’t know—broad political consensus, proper legal grounding, and perhaps even some moral legitimacy. But no, the Coalition Government has taken a far more sophisticated approach: a high-stakes game of "let’s reinterpret the law until it suits us."

Step 1: The Search for the Perfect Loophole

Ever seen a team of lawyers, politicians, and self-proclaimed legal scholars huddle together like detectives trying to crack an unsolvable case? That’s basically been the Coalition’s full-time job since taking office. With the 2013 Constitution conveniently requiring a referendum and a parliamentary supermajority for amendments, one would think they’d take a step back and respect the rules. Instead, they’ve adopted a "bend it like Beckham" approach—kicking around technicalities with the hope that one of them miraculously lands in the back of the net.

Step 2: Pretend the Rules Don’t Apply

Faced with the inconvenient reality that the Constitution is not, in fact, a rough draft, the Coalition has instead opted for the “creative interpretation” method. Who needs public consensus when you have a well-rehearsed press conference, a few constitutional advisors willing to squint hard enough at the text, and a good old-fashioned parliamentary filibuster?

Step 3: The Never-Ending Debate

Months (or was it years?) into this constitutional soap opera, the Coalition still hasn’t quite nailed down a strategy that doesn’t collapse under the weight of its own contradictions. Every time a bold new loophole is presented, legal experts, the opposition, and even the Constitution itself seem to respond with a collective “nice try.” But that hasn’t stopped them from trying again. And again. And again.

Step 4: Blame the 2013 Constitution for Existing

Of course, when all else fails, blame the document itself. According to the Coalition, the real issue isn’t their inability to follow legal procedures—it’s that the Constitution is “too rigid,” “too undemocratic,” and, frankly, “too inconvenient for their political ambitions.” Never mind that it was their job to work within its framework; instead, let’s pretend it’s the document’s fault for not bending itself into submission.

The Great Constitutional Limbo Continues

At this rate, we might as well start placing bets on how many more months (or years) this constitutional scavenger hunt will last. Will they ever find the perfect loophole? Will they exhaust the patience of the nation before they exhaust their legal tricks? Or will they finally admit defeat and attempt the radical idea of following due process?

One thing is certain—if the Coalition Government put as much effort into governance as they do into dodging constitutional realities, Fiji would already be a utopia. Until then, we can all sit back, grab some popcorn, and watch the next episode of Bend It Like Beckham: The Constitutional Edition.

The Superstar versus Partisan Model, Fiji First's Deregistration and the 2026 Scenario

The Fiji First Party has been a dominant force in Fijian politics since its inception under the leadership of Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama. Across the three general elections of 2014, 2018, and 2022, the party's performance reflected both the strengths of its leadership and the evolving political landscape of Fiji. Central to Fiji First’s electoral successes and eventual decline was the superstar appeal of Bainimarama, whose influence over the party’s popularity was significant. Additionally, the shifting iTaukei (indigenous Fijian) support base and declining voter turnout played crucial roles in shaping election outcomes.

1.     Fiji First's Performance in the 2014 Election

In the 2014 general election, Fiji First secured a decisive victory, winning 59.2% of the vote and capturing 32 out of 50 parliamentary seats. This landslide win was largely attributed to Bainimarama’s strong personal appeal. As the architect of Fiji’s post-coup government and the leader who oversaw economic growth and infrastructural development, he positioned himself as a modernizer committed to stability and progress. His image as a strong leader, particularly in contrast to Fiji’s historically unstable political environment, resonated with many voters.

A significant factor in the 2014 victory was Bainimarama’s outreach to non-iTaukei communities, particularly Indo-Fijians, who had historically felt marginalized. By advocating for a common national identity and eliminating race-based electoral rolls, Fiji First garnered substantial support from these groups. However, iTaukei support remained a concern, as many indigenous Fijians remained skeptical of Bainimarama’s policies, particularly his moves to diminish traditional chiefly authority.

2.     The 2018 Election: Retaining Power Amidst Declining Support

The 2018 general election saw Fiji First’s vote share drop to 50%, translating to 27 seats in Parliament—a decline from 2014 but still enough to secure a second term. Bainimarama’s personal appeal remained strong, and his ability to maintain control of the party’s narrative played a crucial role in the outcome. However, opposition parties, particularly the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA), gained ground, fueled by increasing skepticism among iTaukei voters.

The erosion of iTaukei support in 2018 was influenced by concerns over land rights, cultural preservation, and Bainimarama’s governance style, which some saw as authoritarian. While urban and Indo-Fijian voters largely remained loyal to Fiji First, rural iTaukei voters leaned towards SODELPA, which positioned itself as the defender of indigenous interests. The narrowing victory margin indicated that Fiji First’s electoral dominance was waning, despite Bainimarama’s continued personal popularity.

3.     The 2022 Election: A Decline in Popularity and the Loss of Power

By 2022, Fiji First’s vote share further declined to 42.5%, securing only 26 seats—insufficient to form a government. This result marked a significant shift in Fijian politics, as a coalition of opposition parties, including the People's Alliance Party and the National Federation Party, successfully ended Fiji First’s rule. Bainimarama’s once-unquestioned superstar appeal was no longer enough to sustain electoral dominance, and key structural factors contributed to the party’s loss.

One major factor was the continued erosion of iTaukei support. The opposition effectively mobilized indigenous voters by capitalizing on grievances over land policies, governance, and Bainimarama’s top-down leadership approach. Additionally, economic challenges, including the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, exacerbated public dissatisfaction.

4.     Declining Voter Turnout: Causes and Implications

A crucial trend across all three elections was the decline in voter turnout. In 2014, turnout was a robust 84.6%, but by 2018, it had dropped to 72.5%, and in 2022, it declined further to 68.3%. Several factors contributed to this downward trend:

1. Voter Apathy and Disillusionment – Over time, some voters became disillusioned with Fiji First’s governance, particularly regarding its handling of democratic freedoms and economic issues. However, they did not necessarily see viable alternatives in opposition parties, leading to political disengagement.
2. Fear and Intimidation – Opposition parties and civil society groups reported concerns that some voters felt pressured or intimidated by the government’s strong rhetoric and control over media and institutions, discouraging voter participation.
3. Migration and Demographic Changes – A significant portion of Fiji’s population, particularly younger and urban voters, either emigrated or became disengaged from the political process, further reducing turnout.

5.     Predictions for the 2026 Election: The Impact of Bainimarama’s Exit and Fiji First’s Deregistration

With Bainimarama no longer at the forefront and Fiji First’s deregistration as a political party, the 2026 election is set to be a transformative moment in Fijian politics. The absence of Fiji First leaves a power vacuum that opposition parties will seek to fill. The key question is whether the People’s Alliance Party (PAP), under Sitiveni Rabuka, can maintain control of the government.

Rabuka’s leadership and popularity will be crucial in determining PAP’s fortunes. His ability to unite iTaukei support and retain Indo-Fijian backing will be a determining factor. While he enjoys a strong personal appeal, his leadership will be tested by economic challenges, governance issues, and potential opposition from new political forces emerging in the wake of Fiji First’s collapse.

Without Bainimarama’s centralized leadership and Fiji First’s political machinery, opposition parties such as the National Federation Party (NFP) and new entrants could gain traction, potentially fragmenting the political landscape. If Rabuka can consolidate his coalition’s position and effectively address economic and social concerns, he may maintain power. However, a divided opposition or an unexpected new political movement could challenge his administration in 2026.

Fiji First’s trajectory from dominance in 2014 to defeat in 2022 highlights the role of strong leadership, shifting voter demographics, and political opposition strategies. Bainimarama’s personal appeal was the linchpin of the party’s success, but as economic and political challenges mounted, even his charisma could not counteract growing dissatisfaction. The decline in iTaukei support, coupled with decreased voter turnout, signaled a changing political landscape, ultimately culminating in Fiji First’s loss of power.

Looking ahead to 2026, the absence of Bainimarama and the deregistration of Fiji First create an unpredictable political environment. While Rabuka’s People’s Alliance Party currently holds power, the next election will test whether his leadership can sustain long-term political dominance or if new forces will reshape Fiji’s political future.

6. The Superstar Model vs. the Partisan Model under the D'Hondt System in Fijian Politics

Fiji uses the D'Hondt system, a proportional representation method, for its parliamentary elections. This system tends to favor larger political parties by distributing seats based on party vote share rather than individual candidates. Within this framework, political parties in Fiji often adopt different electoral strategies, notably the Superstar Model and the Partisan Model.

• The Superstar Model relies on a highly popular leader or candidate who attracts the majority of votes for the party, effectively pulling other candidates into parliament through seat allocation.
• The Partisan Model focuses on building a strong, ideologically unified party where votes are more evenly distributed among candidates rather than concentrated on a single figure.

The Superstar Model in Fiji

The Superstar Model has been a dominant strategy in Fijian politics, particularly evident in recent elections where powerful political figures, such as Frank Bainimarama and Sitiveni Rabuka, have played a central role in mobilizing voter support.

Advantages

1. Vote Accumulation: The D'Hondt system allows votes cast for a single candidate to benefit others on the party list, making a superstar leader an asset.
2. Simplifies Campaigning: The focus on one key figure reduces the need for extensive individual candidate campaigns.
3. Emotional and Ethnic Appeal: In Fiji, politics is often shaped by ethnic and personal loyalties, making a strong leader an effective rallying point.

Disadvantages

1. Over-Reliance on a Single Figure: If the superstar leader is removed (due to legal issues, health, or loss of popularity), the party risks collapsing.
2. Candidate Quality Disparity: Less prominent candidates may enter parliament without having earned significant personal voter support.
3. Internal Party Struggles: Other party members may feel sidelined, leading to factionalism.

The Partisan Model in Fiji

The Partisan Model is centered on a strong party brand rather than a single leader. Parties such as National Federation Party (NFP) and SODELPA have attempted to adopt this approach, focusing on collective leadership and grassroots support.

Advantages

1. Stability and Longevity: The party remains relevant beyond the tenure of a single leader.
2. Distributed Campaigning: Candidates campaign independently, broadening voter outreach.
3. Reduced Internal Conflict: Shared leadership can prevent the concentration of power in one individual.

Disadvantages

1. Less Effective in Vote Maximization: In the D'Hondt system, a party lacking a strong unifying figure may struggle to attract enough votes to compete with superstar-led parties.
2. Harder to Mobilize Voters: Fijian politics often favors recognizable faces over ideological commitments, making it harder for collective leadership parties to compete.
3. Challenges in Messaging: A party with multiple voices may struggle with a consistent and compelling message.

7. Which Model Works Better under the D'Hondt System?

The Superstar Model has been more effective in Fijian politics due to the mechanics of the D'Hondt system. Since the system rewards large vote accumulations within a party, a single charismatic leader can pull in votes that translate into multiple seats. This was evident in FijiFirst’s 2014 and 2018 victories, where Bainimarama secured a significant personal vote share, boosting lesser-known candidates into parliament.

However, the Partisan Model offers long-term resilience. A party that builds a strong brand and a broad candidate base may suffer in the short term but can ensure continuity beyond a single election cycle.

Under the D'Hondt system in Fiji, the Superstar Model has proven more effective in securing immediate electoral success by maximizing vote accumulation. However, the Partisan Model offers greater long-term stability, reducing dependence on a single leader. The most effective strategy may be a hybrid approach—leveraging a popular leader while ensuring a strong party foundation for sustainability.

 

 

Ro Vilive's Reaction is a Sad Reflection of the "Collision" Governments Incompetencies.

Political discourse should be grounded in facts, constructive criticism, and a commitment to national development. 

Unfortunately, recent remarks by Minister for Infrastructure Hon. Filipe Tuisawau in response to Hon. Inia Seruiratu’s media statement on the deteriorating state of Fiji’s roads reflect a misinterpretation of the issues at hand. Instead of addressing the substance of Seruiratu’s concerns—namely, poor workmanship and management in infrastructure projects—Tuisawau opted for an unwarranted personal and political attack. This response highlights his lack of political maturity, a misunderstanding of his ministerial responsibilities, and a failure to grasp fundamental principles of governance.

Hon. Inia Seruiratu’s media statement did not claim that “no work is carried out” on Fiji’s roads. Instead, his critique centered on the poor quality of work and the mismanagement of road projects. This is a legitimate concern, as infrastructure development must prioritize durability and efficiency.

Tuisawau should get off his high horse and do a study on the frequency of redundant work being carried out on our roads. These redundancies cost money that could be better utilized in other sectors.

Tuisawau’s misrepresentation of Seruiratu’s remarks suggests either a deliberate attempt to deflect criticism or an inability to engage with the actual issue raised. Rather than addressing the core problem of substandard road conditions and ineffective project oversight, Tuisawau resorted to defensive rhetoric, which does little to reassure the public of his competence in managing the Ministry of Infrastructure.

As Leader of an Opposition made up of independent members, Seruiratu operates outside of traditional party structures. Independent members are not bound by party politics, meaning their positions on policy matters are not dictated by partisan loyalty but by their assessment of what best serves the national interest. 

Tuisawau, however, seems to lack an understanding of this dynamic. His reaction suggests an expectation that all political actors must align with government narratives rather than engage in meaningful critique. A politically mature leader would recognize the value of constructive opposition and use it as an opportunity to improve governance rather than viewing it as a personal attack.

As Minister for Infrastructure, Filipe Tuisawau holds a crucial responsibility in ensuring that public resources are effectively allocated to road maintenance and development. His primary focus should be on addressing the legitimate concerns raised by Hon. Seruiratu, improving oversight of infrastructure projects, and ensuring high-quality road construction and maintenance. 

However, his response to criticism suggests a reluctance to accept accountability. Instead of acknowledging the challenges and outlining solutions, Tuisawau dismissed concerns and diverted the discussion away from the pressing issue of road disrepair. This raises questions about his ability to lead the ministry effectively and his willingness to prioritize the needs of the people over political point-scoring.

A key expectation of public officials is clear and precise communication, particularly when engaging with the media and the public. Tuisawau’s reaction indicates a misinterpretation—whether intentional or not—of Seruiratu’s statement, which in turn undermines his credibility as a government minister. If the issue stems from a lack of comprehension rather than a deliberate misrepresentation, it highlights a worrying deficiency in his ability to engage in policy discussions. Effective governance requires not only technical expertise but also strong communication skills, both of which appear to be lacking in this instance.

Filipe Tuisawau’s unwarranted reaction to Hon. Inia Seruiratu’s media statement reveals serious concerns about his political maturity, understanding of his ministerial role, and capacity for constructive engagement. Rather than addressing the real issue of poor workmanship and management in Fiji’s road infrastructure, Tuisawau resorted to personal and political attacks, demonstrating a failure to grasp the essence of responsible governance. 

As Minister for Infrastructure, his duty is to ensure that road projects are executed efficiently and to high standards. Engaging in political deflection rather than acknowledging and solving problems does a disservice to the people of Fiji and raises questions about his competence in the role. If Tuisawau wishes to be an effective leader, he must move beyond reactionary politics and focus on delivering tangible improvements in Fiji’s infrastructure sector.

Two years have gone by. We cannot continue to point fingers at others. 

https://www.fbcnews.com.fj/news/maintaining-existing-roads-vital-baleilevuka/

Concerns have been raised regarding the Fiji Roads Authority’s focus on building new roads instead of managing existing infrastructure.

Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Public Works, Paula Baleilevuka, states that millions have been invested in the road network, emphasizing the importance of maintaining existing assets over pursuing new construction projects.

While responding to questions from members of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, Baleilevuka adds that proper asset management is key to ensuring long-term sustainability and cost-effectiveness.

https://www.fbcnews.com.fj/news/poor-planning-leads-to-unspent-government-funds/

Vindictive Politics: Is it really worth it?

Vindictive politics, characterized by retaliatory actions against political opponents, is a double-edged sword in governance and political discourse. While some argue that it can serve as a deterrent against unethical behavior, others believe it undermines democratic principles and governance. This analysis explores the advantages and disadvantages of vindictive politics, considering its impact on political stability, governance, and public trust.

Pros of Vindictive Politics

1. Accountability and Deterrence
• Vindictive politics can serve as a mechanism for holding political figures accountable. Fear of retaliation may deter corruption, abuse of power, and unethical behavior.
• Politicians who engage in misconduct may face consequences, reinforcing standards of integrity in public office.
2. Strengthening Party Unity
• In some cases, strong retaliatory actions against defectors or opposition figures consolidate party loyalty and discipline.
• Leaders may use vindictive strategies to eliminate internal dissent, ensuring a more unified political front.
3. Reaffirmation of Power
• Retaliation against opponents can serve as a strategic tool to reaffirm a leader’s authority and political dominance.
• Demonstrating political strength through vindictive actions can solidify support among loyal followers and party members.

Cons of Vindictive Politics

1. Erosion of Democratic Values
• Vindictive politics often undermines democratic principles by prioritizing personal or party-based vendettas over public interest.
• It discourages free speech, suppresses dissent, and fosters a culture of fear rather than open political dialogue.
2. Political Instability
• Persistent retaliation among political rivals can lead to prolonged conflicts, disruptions in governance, and even national instability.
• Political infighting detracts from critical policymaking, slowing down development and governance effectiveness.
3. Public Distrust in Government
• When political leaders focus on settling scores rather than serving the people, public confidence in institutions declines.
• Citizens may perceive government actions as self-serving rather than aimed at national progress.
4. Encourages a Cycle of Retaliation
• Vindictive politics can create a vicious cycle where each political party or leader, when in power, seeks to punish their predecessors.
• This cyclical revenge-driven governance prevents long-term stability and continuity in policy implementation.

While vindictive politics may offer short-term advantages such as deterring corruption and reinforcing political power, its long-term consequences often outweigh these benefits. The erosion of democratic values, political instability, and loss of public trust pose significant risks to governance and national development. Ultimately, a political system built on true reconciliation, accountability, and constructive debate fosters a healthier democracy than one driven by vindictiveness and retaliation.

Absolute Debt continues to Rise despite a drop in Debt:GDP ratio

Finance Minister, Professor Biman Prasad has asserted that Fiji's debt-to-GDP ratio has decreased from approximately 90% in 2022 to around 78% by the end of July 2024, indicating a 12 percentage point reduction over this period. 

However, during this timeframe, Fiji's total debt has actually increased. According to the Ministry of Finance's 2023-2024 Annual Debt Report, the total government debt rose from $9,747.5 million in the fiscal year 2023 to $10,309.2 million by the end of July 2024, marking a 5.8% increase. 

The observed reduction in the debt-to-GDP ratio, despite the increase in absolute debt, can be attributed to significant economic growth as Fiji recovered from the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The resurgence of key sectors, particularly tourism, has bolstered GDP, thereby improving the debt-to-GDP ratio. This suggests that the decrease in the ratio is more a result of GDP growth rather than an actual reduction in debt levels.

Hon. Prasad should show us how the increase in absolute debt has benefited the nation rather than attempting to mislead us by giving us a false sense of security. He needs to be telling us how much more are we spending on operating costs and how much are we spending on capital expenditures. He should enlighten us why 3 major factories have closed down in the last couple of months. He must understand that he cannot continue to fool the people.

In summary, while the debt-to-GDP ratio has declined, this is primarily due to GDP growth after the national economy recovered from the effects of Covid-19, rather than a decrease in total debt. The absolute debt has continued to rise, underscoring the importance of prudent fiscal management to ensure long-term economic sustainability.

Faith, Morality, and Free Expression

The intersection of faith, morality, and representation has become a contentious issue within Fijian sports, particularly in the case of Laijipa Naulivou’s stance on lesbianism within the Fijiana rugby team. 

Naulivou, has argued that the practice of same-sex relationships within the team contradicts the Christian beliefs that players publicly profess through hymn-singing and prayer. Her subsequent dismissal by the Fiji Rugby Union (FRU) Board raises deeper questions about religious freedom, moral consistency, and the right to express concerns on issues of faith and cultural identity. 

This post critically examines the contradictions between Fijiana rugby’s Christian representation and its internal culture, while also questioning the implications of Naulivou’s sacking on free speech and religious expression in Fiji.

Faith and Identity: Theological Inconsistencies in Fijiana Rugby

For years, the Fijiana rugby team has incorporated Christian practices into its public identity, often seen singing hymns and offering prayers before and after matches. Such acts signal a commitment to biblical principles, yet these very principles include clear teachings on sexual morality. Christianity, as outlined in scriptures such as Genesis 2:24, Romans 1:26-27, and 1 Corinthians 6:9-10, defines sexual relations as being between a man and a woman within marriage.

If the team publicly aligns itself with Christianity, then it must also uphold the moral and ethical standards that accompany that faith. Otherwise, these expressions of spirituality become performative rather than reflective of genuine conviction. Naulivou’s argument is not about discrimination but about consistency—if Fijiana rugby wishes to remain a symbol of faith-based sportsmanship, it must reconcile its internal culture with the beliefs it publicly endorses.

Moral and Cultural Integrity: Representation Matters

Beyond the theological aspect, Naulivou’s stance highlights a broader issue of cultural representation. Fiji is a nation with a deeply Christian foundation, and its moral framework is closely tied to both biblical teachings and iTaukei traditions. In iTaukei culture, family structures and relationships are traditionally defined within the context of heterosexual unions, emphasizing procreation and community stability.

The presence of openly lesbian players within a team that represents the country on an international stage challenges this cultural foundation. It raises questions about what values the team is upholding and whether it truly reflects the moral identity of the nation. As public figures, national athletes serve as role models for the younger generation, making it critical that their conduct aligns with the principles they promote.

The Suppression of Free Speech: The Implications of Naulivou’s Sacking

Naulivou’s dismissal from her role by the FRU Board is a troubling development that extends beyond the issue of sexuality in sports. It raises critical concerns about freedom of speech, religious expression, and the ability of individuals to speak out on matters of moral and spiritual importance.

If an individual can be removed from their position for voicing concerns that align with widely accepted religious and cultural beliefs, what does this mean for open discourse in Fiji? This decision suggests that certain perspectives—particularly those rooted in faith—are being silenced in favor of a more politically correct narrative. This creates a dangerous precedent where individuals who uphold traditional values may feel pressured to suppress their beliefs for fear of professional repercussions.

Furthermore, the FRU Board’s decision appears to contradict the fundamental democratic right to free expression. A society that claims to uphold religious freedom must allow individuals to question and debate moral inconsistencies without the threat of retaliation. By removing Naulivou, the FRU Board has sent a message that Christian perspectives, even when rooted in widely accepted doctrine, are not welcome in the national sporting arena.

Laijipa Naulivou’s stance on lesbianism in Fijiana rugby is a call for consistency between faith and practice, not an attack on individuals. Her dismissal by the FRU Board raises serious concerns about the suppression of religious expression and the erosion of traditional values in Fijian sports. If Fijiana rugby is to continue identifying as a team grounded in Christian principles, it must address the contradictions between its spiritual declarations and its internal culture. 

Moreover, Fiji as a nation must reflect on whether it will allow faith-based discourse to thrive or whether it will silence those who stand for traditional beliefs. 

True inclusivity should not mean the exclusion of Christian voices.

The Senselessness of the Truth and Reconciliation Exercise in Fij

Truth and reconciliation initiatives have been implemented in various post-conflict societies with the aim of addressing past atrocities and fostering national unity.

While such exercises are often heralded as progressive mechanisms for healing, their practical effectiveness and long-term impact are highly questionable.

The concept of truth and reconciliation, in many cases, proves to be a senseless endeavor that neither delivers real justice nor guarantees lasting peace. This concern is particularly relevant in the context of Fiji, where the proposed truth and reconciliation exercise appears to be more of a political maneuver than a genuine attempt at national healing.

One of the fundamental flaws in the proposed truth and reconciliation exercise in Fiji is the lack of tangible justice for victims. While these initiatives promote dialogue and the acknowledgment of past wrongs, they often fall short in holding perpetrators accountable. Many individuals who have committed grave human rights violations may be granted amnesty or receive lenient punishments in the name of national unity. This raises concerns about impunity, as victims and their families are left without true justice for the atrocities they endured.

Furthermore, truth and reconciliation commissions frequently operate under political influences that compromise their integrity.

In Fiji, there is a real danger that the proposed initiative will be used to control narratives, downplay the roles of certain political figures, or whitewash history. Instead of serving as an impartial platform for truth-seeking, this exercise may become an instrument of political expediency, failing to achieve genuine reconciliation.

Another critical shortcoming is the psychological and emotional toll on victims.

Truth-telling without meaningful reparations can be retraumatizing rather than healing. Survivors are often asked to relive their pain without the assurance of compensation or substantial change. The act of documenting atrocities does not necessarily translate into societal transformation, leaving victims in a state of perpetual injustice and disillusionment.

Moreover, the long-term impact of the proposed truth and reconciliation exercise in Fiji remains dubious.

While it may create an illusion of progress, deep-seated grievances, social divisions, and economic disparities often persist. Without structural reforms, genuine accountability, and economic empowerment, this initiative may become a superficial gesture rather than a meaningful solution.

Fijian society risks repeating the cycles of political instability and ethnic tensions that have characterized its past.

The proposed truth and reconciliation exercise in Fiji, while well-intentioned, is unlikely to achieve its primary objectives.

Without concrete justice, political impartiality, meaningful reparations, and long-term structural changes, such an initiative amounts to little more than symbolic rhetoric.

For true reconciliation to take place, Fiji must go beyond performative truth-seeking and focus on genuine accountability, economic redress, and social equity. Otherwise, this exercise will remain a senseless endeavor that does little to prevent history from repeating itself.

 

 

 

The Impact of New Political Parties in the 2026 Elections

Increased Electoral Competition and Voter Choice

One of the most immediate effects of new political parties is heightened electoral competition. With additional parties contesting the elections, voters have a broader spectrum of candidates and policies to choose from. This dynamic can foster greater political engagement, particularly among young and disillusioned voters who may not have found representation in existing parties. New parties often emerge in response to public dissatisfaction with the current government and opposition, providing an alternative vision for the country. Consequently, they may energize the electorate, potentially increasing voter turnout and participation in the democratic process.

Policy Innovation and Reform

New parties bring fresh ideas and perspectives to national debates, challenging the status quo. They can introduce innovative policies, particularly in areas where established parties have failed to deliver substantial progress. Issues such as economic diversification, climate change policies, and social reforms may receive renewed attention due to pressure from emerging political movements. Furthermore, these new entrants often highlight grassroots concerns, ensuring that policies reflect a more comprehensive array of societal needs.

Fragmentation and Coalition Politics

While the diversity of political voices is beneficial, the rise of multiple new parties can also lead to vote fragmentation. If no single party secures an outright majority, coalition governments become a necessity. In such a scenario, smaller parties may wield significant influence as kingmakers in government formation. This can either strengthen democracy by encouraging collaboration and compromise or create instability if coalition partners struggle to align on policy priorities. Historically, coalition governments have faced challenges in maintaining cohesion, and the introduction of more players into the political field may further complicate governance.

Challenges to Political Stability

New political parties often bring a shift in power dynamics, which can result in uncertainty and political instability. If a significant portion of the electorate migrates to new parties, established parties may resort to aggressive political strategies to retain influence. This can lead to polarization and increased tensions within the political landscape. Moreover, newer parties might face organizational challenges, including limited funding, lack of experienced leadership, and difficulties in establishing a nationwide presence, which could affect their effectiveness in governance if elected.

Implications for Governance and Policy Implementation

The success of a political party is not solely measured by its electoral victory but also by its ability to govern effectively. If new parties gain significant representation in parliament, they will need to transition from opposition rhetoric to practical policy implementation. The efficiency of governance will depend on their ability to navigate bureaucratic structures, engage with stakeholders, and execute their policy agendas. Without a well-defined strategy, new parties may struggle to fulfill their campaign promises, leading to disillusionment among their supporters.

Conclusion

The emergence of new political parties in the 2026 elections presents both opportunities and challenges for Fiji’s democracy. While they enhance voter choice, promote policy innovation, and reinvigorate political participation, they also introduce complexities such as vote fragmentation, coalition difficulties, and governance challenges. Ultimately, the impact of these new parties will depend on their ability to sustain voter trust, collaborate effectively in governance, and implement meaningful reforms. As the electoral landscape evolves, the role of these emerging political movements will be crucial in shaping the future of Fiji’s democratic governance.

 

 

Fiji's Balance of Trade and Its Implications

Fiji has a trade-dependent economy that relies on exports such as sugar, tourism, water, and garments, while importing essential goods such as fuel, machinery, and food. The balance of trade, which is the difference between the value of exports and imports, plays a crucial role in the country’s economic stability and growth. 

Historically, Fiji has maintained a trade deficit, meaning that its imports exceed its exports. This deficit is primarily due to the high reliance on imported fuel, manufactured goods, and food products. While tourism contributes significantly to foreign exchange earnings, it does not directly offset the trade imbalance since it is classified under services rather than merchandise trade.

Several factors contribute to Fiji’s trade deficit:

1. Dependence on Imports – Fiji imports a significant portion of its essential goods, including fuel, machinery, and processed food, leading to higher expenditure on imports.

2. Limited Export Base – The country’s export base is relatively narrow, relying heavily on commodities such as sugar, bottled water, and fisheries, which are vulnerable to external shocks.

3. Global Market Fluctuations – Prices of key exports such as sugar and fish are influenced by global market conditions, impacting export earnings.

4. Natural Disasters – Fiji is prone to cyclones and floods, which often disrupt agricultural production and export potential.

5. Tourism and Services – While tourism generates substantial revenue, it does not directly impact merchandise trade figures, although it boosts overall economic activity.

A persistent trade deficit has several economic implications for Fiji:

1. Foreign Exchange Reserves – A high trade deficit can strain foreign exchange reserves, affecting currency stability and increasing vulnerability to external shocks.

2. Inflationary Pressures – Dependence on imported goods can expose the economy to inflation, particularly if the Fijian dollar depreciates.

3. Debt Levels – To finance trade deficits, Fiji may rely on external borrowing, which can lead to increased national debt over time.

4. Economic Vulnerability – With a limited range of exports, Fiji remains susceptible to global market fluctuations and external economic shocks.

5. Policy Challenges – Policymakers must implement strategies to enhance exports, promote local industries, and manage import dependency to achieve a more sustainable trade balance.

Strategies for Improvement To improve its balance of trade, Fiji can pursue the following strategies:

• Diversification of Exports – Expanding into new industries such as value-added agriculture and manufacturing can boost exports.

• Enhancing Domestic Production – Encouraging local production of goods to reduce reliance on imports.

• Improving Trade Agreements – Strengthening regional and international trade agreements to increase market access for Fijian products.

• Boosting Value-Added Sectors – Investing in industries that add value to raw materials, such as food processing and garment manufacturing.

Fiji’s balance of trade is a crucial economic indicator that influences overall economic stability and development. While the country faces challenges due to its high import dependence and narrow export base, strategic policies aimed at diversification, local industry promotion, and trade facilitation can help reduce the trade deficit. A balanced trade position will contribute to stronger economic resilience and long-term growth for Fiji.

After two years, we have yet to see any positive economic indicators from the Coalition Government as they continue to borrow to meet the excessive costs of operations borne out of desperate party policies.

THE FLYING FIJIANS AND THE RUGBY NATIONS CHAMPIONSHIP

The Rugby Nations Championship is a newly structured international rugby competition set to begin in 2026. The tournament aims to provide a structured, competitive environment for top rugby nations, ensuring consistent high-level matches and better preparation for global tournaments such as the Rugby World Cup. The competition will feature two divisions, with promotion and relegation mechanisms, ensuring competitive balance and growth for emerging teams.

The inclusion of the Flying Fijians in the RNC is a crucial step in Fiji’s rugby development. It provides the team with:

1. Regular Exposure to Top-Tier Teams – Consistent matches against Tier 1 nations like New Zealand, England, and South Africa will improve performance and experience.

2. Enhanced Player Development – Playing against elite teams fosters better skills, game awareness, and competitiveness among Fijian players.

3. Commercial and Financial Benefits – Increased global exposure could lead to better sponsorship deals and financial support for Fijian rugby.

4. Stronger Pathway for Local Talent – With a structured competition, local players have a clearer pathway to professional rugby, strengthening the domestic league.

While the RNC presents a great opportunity, the Flying Fijians will face several challenges:

• Player Availability – Many Fijian players play in overseas clubs, which may impact their availability for national duties.

• Travel and Logistics – Fiji’s geographical location presents logistical challenges, including long travel times and recovery periods.

• Consistency in Performance – Competing against top-tier nations consistently requires maintaining high performance and squad depth.

The Flying Fijians’ participation in the Rugby Nations Championship is a historic moment for Fijian rugby. It provides an opportunity to compete at the highest level, strengthen the national team, and inspire future generations of Fijian rugby players. While challenges exist, with proper planning and support, the Flying Fijians have the potential to make a lasting impact in the global rugby landscape.

Toso Viti Toso